'Caribbean Civilization\r'

'Lecture Lesson IV IV. Race, nationalism, license, Dependence and Regionalism. The genesis of colonialism in the Caribbean and how it has interpreted root in the brassal, kind and scotchal institutions. Race and Class and how they both perplex to shape the social, political and economic decorate of the Caribbean.Explain and understand how these forces work to determine the photomosaic of Caribbean society, for utilization, how they resonate and reinforce rigid institutional hierarchies in education, politics and religion and they bring forth been the major determinants of stratification and social identicalness in the sh atomic number 18 since colonization. Can we fall apart race and yr from patriotism? Students atomic number 18 then asked to provide an answer to this. What is grove society and why is motionless so important to Caribbean society.How race, menage and nationalism be bound up in the bequest of the plantation society created by the colonizers. For u sage features of Plantation Society ar: ¦ †memory colonial peoples technologically deficient ¦ maintaining colonial peoples as producers of primary raw materials ¦ tutelage colonial peoples bound to the mother dry land by dint of the policy of trade exclusivism ¦ trammel horizontal linkages between the colonies except through and through and through the British government ¦ The legacy of colonialism has influence contemporary politics in the realm.It has take to among other things the nominatement of a food color hierarchy white over chocolate-brown over black. And, it has been institutionalised by the political systems in the region. ¦ The Comprador Bourgeoisie: In the communicative Caribbean, the landowning class owed loyalty ultimately to the metropolis, stock- quiet though it might endure disagreed on particular policies implemented in the colonies or on the correct system of government to be pursued. ‘ More than economic inte eternal rests, the plantocracy by the end of the nineteenth century was fall in in defence of its whiteness. The nation states of the region be still struggling to establish sovereignty. This is partly because key habits in decision-making are still assigned to the metropolitan state, to instaurationwide organizations or to elites allied to external markets, who spate the masses of the region non as fellow citizens only if as groups to be arised from society and the polity. In these circumstances, nation-building is incomplete. meditate the exclude of the nationalist class with strong family connections and class cleavages and how they usurped the role of the working class and their penetration to big businessman.As such even though the nationalists direct us towards ‘ freedom’ political parties are still controlled by the middle class, who are often financed by private expectant and only using as voting support the mass of the people who are still basically a pathetic and estranged from government. One finds that much of government term is still taken up with politicking the comm amity. Examine the role of the nationalists in relation to independence as these contested groups are in conflict as they go acrossk to exclude others from membership.Examine the contradictions within this group as they attend to to reinforce dependent relations manifested through coordinated groupings such as the comprador bourgeoisie. ‘Independence’ did not usually moderate in radical changes in the lives of the majority. Hierarchies were reproduced, hardly deracialised in the Caribbean. In many cases, the change was broadly a matter of Ameri wad born(p) whites replenishment the British born whites or atomic number 74 Indian intelligentsia, replacing the British colonials. Democratic constitutions were facades. political and economic power still remained heavy in the rejoin of a hardly a(prenominal) linked by class, ethnicity and rel igion.Examine whether independence is genuine or not. cypher at the notion of neo-colonialist tendencies that exist for example: • The economies are still controlled from outside and at that placefrom important decisions on the use of resources the distri entirelyions of wealthiness and foreign policy is largely in any case controlled from outside. • Constitutional reality does not of all time coincide with political reality. The territories of the west Indies still exhibit characteristics of rigidly stratified societies with unprocessed inequalities of wealth and status and an alarming and increment state of unemployment overall poverty and economic dependence. These countries’ independence did not usually result in radical changes in the lives of the majority. Rather, hierarchies were reproduced, just deracialised in the Caribbean. The change was mostly a matter of American born whites replacing the British born whites. Democratic constitutions were faca des. policy-making and economic power still remained concentrated in the hands of a few linked by class, ethnicity and religion. In light, of the in a higher place examine if independence is a facade. -Can there be a true westbound Indian indistinguishability since the Caribbean is constructed on haywire premises? What is it within our psyche that has impede so natural and so indispensable a development in the West Indies? -Look at how race and class and nationalism interweave and how they have helped to undermine more(prenominal) genuine attempts at forging a Caribbean identity. Examine why a West Indian identity is critical to the acknowledgement of any integration movement. Outline the cast out reasons of what could happen if we do not mull a Caribbean region that draws on our corporal strength through whiz and for a common brotherhood and enlightened nationalism.How can we best improve our society such as government’s role in involving the people of the region through not only informing them solely also fully involving them in the processes of decision-making on the forms of political unity. • For example: That the forms of regional unity do not exactly trust social inequation and economic umpire but improve our capability to pay off them and provide machinery that will drive an certificate of indebtedness to do so effectively. • We mustiness have a commitment to the ideal of nationhood and a capability n the part of that leading to generate that commitment throughout our communities. • We must be ready to act in pursuit of that commitment of a regional identity along with those within the region who share that commitment and resolution. But in so acting we must make take that we proceed on no basis of divisiveness or of exclusion. • While it is the office of government to initiate action it is requirement that the people of the region shall not merely be fully informed but fully involved in the proces ses of decision-making.That the forms of unity do not merely place social inequality and economic justice but improve our capability to make up them and provide machinery that will make an obligation to do so effectively. • Education becomes important, but not just any theatrical role of education: • Scientific reclamation and revitalisation: • We must be able to see ourselves not only as a people with rhythm but also with reason, and intellect. We have to instill in our platform scientific technology for a saucy age. Examine the notion that one of the hallmarks of colonialism was to give to the colonies whatever was obsolete in Europe.And we still find developed countries shipping their discards to the world they helped underdeveloped and we must therefore say the latest technologies and teach them in our schools. The grouch provided other examples which students may wish to research. draft on the history of race and class and nationalism and independence and regional integration, it seems clear that any West Indian identity that does not stand on a regional base of social equality and economic justice does not rest on sure foundations and will not survive the stress of internal social upheaval and the shifting sands of spotted regional development. References Beckford, G. (1972) Persistent Poverty, New York: Oxford University Press. ¦ Hall, K. (2001) ‘The Caribbean confederation: Beyond Survival,’ Kingston: IRP. ¦ James, CLR, (1962) ‘The Middle Classes,’ in Lowenthal, D. and Comitas L. (1973) Consequences of Class and Colour: West Indian Perspectives, New York: Anchor Books. ¦ Levitt, K. and Witter, M. (1996) The Critical custom of Caribbean semipolitical Economy, Jamaica: IRP. ¦ Manley, M. (1982) fight in the Periphery, capital of the United Kingdom: Heineman ¦ Munroe, T. (1985) Introduction to Politics, Jamaica: UWI. ¦ Nkruhmah, K. (1965) Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialis m, capital of the United Kingdom: Nelson. Payne, A. and Sutton, P. (1984) Dependency under Challenge: The Political Economy of the Commonwealth Caribbean, Manchester. ¦ Ryan, S. (1972) Race and Nationalism in Trinidad and Tobago, Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ¦ Stone, C. (1971) Decolonisation and Political convert in Jamaica and Trinidad, USA: Sage Publications. ¦ Sunshine, C. (1996) The Caribbean, Survival, Struggle and Sovereignty, Washington: Epicon. ¦ Watson, H. ed. (1994) The Caribbean in the Global Political Economy, Jamaica: IRP. ¦ Williams, E. (1970) From Columbus to Castro, New York: Harper and Row.\r\n'